DOI: 10.33917/es-7.173.2020.136-143

The article examines application of the value-added chains paradigm to developing services exports. The author analyses development strategy for the export of services until 2025 and the possibility of applying the value chains paradigm when forming measures and planning activities. On the example of the event tourism development, the author identifies value chains of an integrated service with the value proposition “Russia (Moscow) is the best place to celebrate the New Year in Europe” and its provision with tools and support measures

DOI: 10.33917/es-3.169.2020.42-49

The article analyzes the Brexit problem, the solution of which has been delayed: four years passed from the referendum on Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union (February 16, 2016) till signing of the Brexit Act by Prime Minister Boris Johnson (January 31, 2020). The article’s novelty consists in assessing Brexit as a manifestation of the system crisis of the European Union (EU), officially recognized by the European authorities in 2015 due to violation of the development regularities of the European integration and the global crisis consequences. Based on systemic methodology in the aspect of reproduction theory, the internal and external causes of Brexit are analyzed. The author identifies a change in the US attitude to Brexit — from Barack Obama’s negative position to active support by Donald Trump in order to break down the European Union as a collective competitor composed of twenty-eight integrated countries. This is facilitated by the loss of economic sovereignty of the EU countries under US pressure. Possible British benefits and risks of losses as a result of exit from the EU are analyzed.

DOI: 10.33917/es-2.168.2020.102-111

This article considers how to enhance the institutional structure of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in order to enable timely decision-making and implementation of governance decisions in the interests of Eurasian integration deepening. We compare the governance structures of the EAEU and the European Union (EU) using the author’s technique and through the lens of theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism elaborated with respect to the EU. We propose to determine a major driver of the integration process at this stage (the College of the Eurasian Economic Commission or the EAEU member states), to reduce the number of decision-making bodies within the current institutional structure of the EAEU, and to divide clearly authority and competence of remaining bodies to exclude legal controversies in the EAEU

DOI: 10.33917/es-8.166.2019.58-65

Today, the European Union (EU) is facing many challenges in the economic and financial sphere. Europeans are becoming less gullible with EU institutions and less tolerant of supranational interference in domestic politics. As a result, the process of European integration is gradually being modified. It was assumed that the process of economic integration, making Europeans more interdependent, should also lead to cultural assimilation and deeper political integration. Was the project too ambitious, given that Europeans are sufficiently heterogeneous in their economic interests, beliefs and sociocultural values to form a successful political union? Or are current difficulties a consequence of the inefficiency of supranational institutions? And how has the process of European economic integration affected cultural assimilation? All of these issues are becoming increasingly relevant as European integration develops

DOI: 10.33917/es-7.165.2019.66-73

The article analyzes the EU migration policy after the refugee crisis of 2015. The effectiveness of anti-crisis migration measures of the EU is shown, while the absence of the same degree of effectiveness of existing rules of migration policy is observed. It is shown that the influx of migrants has a beneficial effect on the demographic situation of the EU. The EU needs a migration strategy that considers the increasing importance of migration for the macroeconomic development of the Union

The article deals with the major aspect of the European Fiscal integration — Common Budget of the European Union. Different consequences of Brexit for the Common Budget are considered. Possible ways of reforming of the Multiannual Financial Frameworks in the mid-term perspective are analyzed.

The European Union (EU) and Kazakhstan have established close economic and trade relations much thanks to EU Strategy for Central Asia and Kazakh state program Path to Europe. Bilateral trade have been growing steadily since 2002. Today EU is Kazakhstan’s first trade partner with annual turnover of ,1 billion representing a half of the country total trade in 2016 and the largest investor, ahead of Russia and China. EU imports from Kazakhstan are dominated by energy (minerals, fuels) products. The main EU exports to Kazakhstan include machinery and transport equipment, other manufactured goods and chemicals. In 2015 Kazakhstan has joined WTO with the EU consistently supporting Kazakhstan’s accession. Over the past two decades, Kazakhstan and EU have developed a strong and mutually beneficial energy cooperation. Major EU-based energy companies have significant investments in the Kazakh oil and gas industry. Currently, around 70% of Kazakhstan oil exports go to Europe, corresponding to 6.5% of the EU total oil imports. The 2017-address by the President Nursultan Nazarbayev comprise an industrial strategy aimed at modernizing Kazakhstan’s economy by diversifying it away from overdependence on extractive industries, targeting R&D and joining the top 30 most developed countries by 2050. Therefore Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement signed in 2015 offers new opportunities for Kazakhstan and EU and could be interesting for partners in the Eurasian Economic Union.

The activities carried out recently within the framework of the EurAsEC are evidence of the political will aimed at more profound integration.

Over twenty years of Hungarian capitalism there have never been oligarchs, and there is no tendency to their appearance.

Hope for the Slavic historical reality is not so unstable as it seems now. In this case, initiation of the Ukrainian-Russian cultural and language contact within the framework of one-way complex of independent vectors will form a basis for the political system, able to build and to defend this reality.