DOI: https://doi.org/10.33917/es-6.186.2022.76-85

The article considers the content of the ESG requirements as a transitional phase from unregulated globalization to the achievement of the UN Sustainable Development Goals until 2030, focuses on the social component, as well as on the relationship between achieving steering ejection with the restructuring of energy generating segments of national economies, incl. developing countries; it is emphasized that the developed countries, proclaiming the energy transition to renewable sources, use the potential of developing economies for their own purposes, which strengthens the trend towards state regulation of developing countries in order to achieve national economic objectives; it is analyzed that the unconditional implementation of the ESG principles led to a reduction in long-term investments in exploration and production of fossil energy sources, which in turn led to a sharp increase in prices in world markets; it is substantiated that the process of energy transition requires smooth implementation of the process, in connection with which a radical rejection of fossil fuels is unacceptable in modern conditions, and given the sanctions strategy of the Anglo-Saxon countries in relation to a number of states with an increased social component in the investment load of economic entities, in practice undermines the achievement of the goals of environmental justice, assistance to increase the welfare of the population and increase the social responsibility of companies to society.

References:

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DOI: https://doi.org/10.33917/es-6.180.2021.104-117

In the present article the authors substantiate the following thesis: in the context of real polycentrism and increased confrontation between the states with liberal system of values and the states that defend real sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs of aid-recipient states through a variety of development assistance tools, exceptionally “soft power” can become an effective mechanism of creating conditions for sustainable development of the world community as a whole. In preparing the study the authors applied the methods of historicism and comparative analysis of approaches to the policy of realizing the “soft power” goals.

Источники:

1. Abramova A.V., Gabarta A.A., Degterev D.A., Degtereva E.A., Kapitsa L.M. Inostrannaya pomoshch’ [Foreign Aid]. Pod obshch. red. L.M. Kapitsy; MGIMO (U) MID Rossii, kaf. mirovoi ekonomiki. Moscow, MGIMO-Universitet, 2013, p. 8.

2. Abramova A.V., Zav’yalova E.B., Zaitsev Yu.K., Kapitsa L.M, Kozlova O.A. Sodeistvie mezhdunarodnomu razvitiyu. Kurs lektsii [Promotion of International Development. Lecture Course]. Pod red. V.I. Barteneva i E.N. Glazunovoi. Moscow, 2012, 408 p.

3. Roger C. Riddel. Does Foreign Aid Really Work? Oxford University Press, 2008. P. 77.

4. Sodeistvie mezhdunarodnomu razvitiyu kak instrument vneshnei politiki: zarubezhnyi opyt [Promotion of International Development as a Foreign Policy Instrument: Foreign Experience]. Pod red. V.G. Baranovskogo, Yu.D. Kvashnina, N.V. Toganovoi. Moscow, IMEMO RAN, 2018, p. 19.

5. Ligorio V. Vneshnyaya tenevaya politika Rossii: “myagkaya vlast’” i mezhdunarodnoe obrazovanie [Foreign Shadow Policy of Russia: “Soft Power” and International Education]. European science, 2019, no 5, pp. 83–91.

6. Burlinova N. Russian soft power is just like Western soft power, but with a twist. Russia Direct, 2015, April, 7, available at: https://russia-direct.org/opinion/russian-soft-power-just-western-soft-power-twist.

7. Conley H., Gerber T., Moore L., David M. Russian Soft Power in the 21st Century: An Examination of Russian Compatriot Policy in Estonia. Washington, 2011, D.C, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, available at: http://csis.org/files/publication/110826_Conley_RussianSoftPower_Web.pdf.

8. Giragosian R. Soft Power in Armenia: Neither Soft, nor Powerful. European Council on Foreign Relations, 2015, available at: https://www.europeansources.info/record/soft-power-in-armenia-neither-soft-nor-powerful/

9. Cheskin A. History, Conflicting Collective Memories, and National Identities: How Latvia’s Russian-Speakers Are Learning to Remember. Nationalities Papers, 2012, vol. 40, iss. 4, pp. 561–584.

10. Ćwiek-Karpowicz J. Limits to Russian Soft Power in the Post-Soviet Area. DGAPanalyse, 2012, available at: https://dgap.org/en/article/getFullPDF/21791.

11. Kornilov A., Makarychev A. Russia’s soft power in the South Caucasus: discourses, communication, hegemony. Agadjanian Alexander; Joedicke, Ansgar; van der Zweerde, Evert (Ed.). Religion, Nation and Democracy in the South Caucasus. Routledge Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2015, pp. 238–254.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.33917/es-3.177.2021.40-49

The article analyzes the US policy in terms of rebuilding bipolarity in the world community, where the Communist Party of China is designated as the main enemy of progressive humanity, an attempt is made to reform alliances of supporters of confrontation with China and countries that are confidently striving to pursue sovereign foreign and domestic policies. For the United States, this positioning corresponds to the tradition of foreign policy activities in the world community. In addition, it is based on the success of the policy of counteracting the camp of socialism and the USSR, and it was proposed to implement the same course in relation to the CPC of the PRC. A study of the main conceptual provisions determining the content of the PRC’s foreign policy strategy was carried out, it was proved that China does not seek to become a hegemon in the world community, but economic leadership and its economic interests will try to promote in all possible ways, excluding military actions. The economic expansion of the PRC can only be counteracted by the countries gaining genuine national economic sovereignty and building up national competitiveness, an interstate foreign policy strategy pursued by countries on the basis of realizing national interests and reaching an agreed consensus in sensitive sectors of economic interaction.

DOI: 10.33917/es-1.175.2021.30-43

The impact of the “pandemic 2020” is analyzed both in the short term and taking into account the long-term trend in order to restore national economic sovereignty by national economies; factors of the promotion of economic globalization — the activities of multinational/multinational companies, the US promotion of unilateral sanctions, the level of economic freedom bordering on the ultimate criterion for the loss of national economic sovereignty; financialization of the global economy as a factor in its growth; the dependence of world development on the level of GVCs formed and the existing specialization of the economies of the world, which made them unable to ensure sovereignty, security and health of the nation; it was concluded that the “pandemic 2020” acts as a catalyst for the restructuring of the world economies towards polycentrism and ensuring real reasonable sovereignty, without denying the potential of either vertical or horizontal cooperation and economic interaction

DOI: 10.33917/es-4.170.2020.30-41

The ongoing COVID-19 pandemic began quite unexpectedly for all countries of the world community, although WHO has repeatedly warned about its possibility. It turned out that spreading of infection in all countries of the world depends not only on the level of urbanization and population density per 1 km2, but on the capability to effectively mobilize the national health system and on the quality of medical services, on their accessibility to all sectors of society, on the ability of the states leaders to provide appropriate regulation of public life. The most effective tools in the world became self-isolation, remote work (distance working) and introduction of quarantine regimes. Continuance of such measures implies, on the one hand, developing technologies for monitoring and ensuring social contact between citizens, and on the other, tightening control over the citizens behavior, including in remote work mode. The article provides a comparative analysis of these control systems, including the “social credit” in China, and concludes that remote working and opportunities that modern tracking and person re-identification technologies provide can be used even after the 2020 pandemic.

DOI: 10.33917/es-6.164.2019.60-66

Formation of the world system after the Second World War was based on international law, but later the United States began to apply efforts to subdue the development of the world system to the rules and norms developed by them. With collapse of the USSR and the socialist countries bloc, the US hegemony has gained dominant importance, underpinned by both transformation of functions and replacement of appropriately trained personnel of the UN, IMF, WB, WTO and a number of international organizations and NGOs created in different countries. The dominant position of the USA could be remedied at the level of international organizations, without altering the existing international community. Сonsolidating positions of the BRICS countries, primarily at international forums, can provide restoration of justice in the world community development, including preservation of the sovereignty, historical, sociocultural and religious identity of nations and peoples in order to ensure steady increase in the well-being of the world’s population, external and domestic policy independence, can establish mutually beneficial economic cooperation and political partnership meeting the national interest, as well as to eliminate interference in the internal affairs of third countries, attempts to change political regimes therein. The article discusses examples of pressure on the BRICS countries, attempts to exercise a destabilizing effect on the part of Western countries aimed at separation of the BRICS members; it analyzes the role of “soft power” in the foreign policy contour of the BRICS states in the regions where they play the role of development locomotives. Based on results of the analysis, relevant conclusions are drawn and suggestions are made

The article analyzes the current transitional stage of development of the world community, when unipolarity under the leadership of the United States begins to weaken. Under these conditions, the resistance of the establishment of countries losing their dominance in the world community, the position of states defending the principles of multipolarity, in connection with which the conflict character of the development of the world community increases. The theory of the balance of forces inherent in the “cold war”, which considers balancing the nuclear potential of countries possessing it, now involves the inclusion of elements of information confrontation and cyber opposition, the latter can lead to radical negative consequences. The article analyzes the development of international law as a basic element of the formation of polycentrism, opposition to information attacks from the West, as well as the need to develop a single platform for the BRICS countries to digitize economies and information and communication interaction.

The article analyzes the Russian higher education system as an essential part of the “soft power” of Russia’s foreign policy. A comparison is made of the youth potential contingents in the CIS countries in the context of demographic aging. The role of Rossotrudnichestvo in the policy of the Russian language spreading in the post-Soviet space is considered. The authors conclude that Russia is interested in attracting foreign youth to Russian universities and claim the lack of an adequate state policy; they suggest measures to radically change the situation with foreign students’ education in Russian universities.

The range of theoretical-conceptual and practical questions related to the content of the concept of multipolarity and its ideological interpretation is analyzed; the issue of the necessity of practical realization of the multipolarity ideology propagation at all levels of the educational process, first of all Russia and the countries — Russia’s strategic partners, is being studied; It is argued that the proliferation of the ideology of multipolarity meets the national interests of Russia and its partners, ensuring the progressiveness of development and security excluded in the conditions of the restoration of bipolarity and the arms race.

The article analyzes “soft power” as an instrument for implementing foreign policy strategy in modern conditions; a comparative analysis of the impact of the “soft power” components on the electorate is made; the author analyzes opposite directions of the goal-setting vectors of “soft power” in conditions of total globalization and transition to multipolarity; it is stated that polycentrism determines the self-identification of societies and realization of national interests, the existence and development of historical, linguistic, traditional cultural and ethnic characteristics of nations and peoples, as well as the role of the state as an institution, maintaining social justice, which gives a definite specificity to the mechanism of implementing the “soft power” policy; the article also reflects the increasing role of information space in the context of globalization.