DOI: 10.33917/es-6.198.2024.26-35

In the first part of this article, the authors proposed to consider productivism as a new paradigm of socio-economic development. It, advocating for supply-side economic measures, not feeling piet y towards international markets and calling for protectionism, is intended to replace the intellectually bankrupt paradigm of neoliberalism that dominated the world at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. Such “paradigm shif t” is necessary to ensure theoretically a “technological leap” — the key to global economic leadership in the 21st century. Previously, the authors have developed factors for the national economy transition to a new technological level. In this ar ticle, they will receive a quantitative assessment, which will allow to determine the ordinal probability of technological transition for the world’s leading countries. The proposed methodological approach will make it possible to position the Russian economy in these processes, as well as to identif y barriers hindering its economic development, and outline prospects for overcoming these barriers.

References:

[1] — [26] no 5/2024, pp. 20–21.

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DOI: 10.33917/es-5.197.2024.14-21

The most important conditions for socio-economic development of countries in the «era of globalization» are now rapidly turning into barriers. On the contrary, what was previously considered a burdensome cost to the national economy now can become a factor in generating benefits, including the economic ones. Macroeconomic targets begin to «lose» to fundamental political economic values. In such circumstances, the priority of economic policy becomes not a quantitative economic growth or nominal inflation and unemployment indicators, but a technological «leap» potential. The article problematizes the dominant paradigm of a global socio-economic development and outlines the contours of its alternative. This alternative, according to the authors, is capable to become a conceptual basis for global leadership in the 21st century.

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The article deals with modern military conflicts, as well as characteristics and peculiar features of strategic offensive culture. This culture always presupposes the existence of struggle elite, a single civil-military corporation capable of spiritual strategic goal setting and as a result — relying on the unity of the state and non-state national security systems, on a single complex — “total forces” — which combines public and private forces ensuring security policy, NPOs that directly interact with them, political parties and movements, religious institutions, mass media and business structures. Public-private paramilitary units of a new type, meeting the requirements of conducting asymmetric and hybrid wars, gradually become the core of this complex.